Monday, June 30, 2025

Judges Gone Wild is Not a Good Look For a Nation of Laws

There's been an event that occurred since this was originally published.  And it's big.

Real constitutional crises are relatively rare in American history.  In 1803 Chief Justice John Marshall could have sparked one with his decision in Marbury v. Madison where he deftly asserted that the Supreme Court had to power to invalidate laws or actions it saw as unconstitutional. The main reason that that assertion didn’t cause a crisis in the fledgling nation was the fact that it came in a decision that supported the position of the Jefferson administration, and as such they were not inclined to protest. 

Then of course there was FDR’s Court Packing scheme in 1937.  In 1936, in the face of continuing 5-4 decisions going against his New Deal legislation FDR’s Attorney General, Homer Cummings proffered an idea penned by one of his predecessors in 1914, James Clark McReynolds, that for every justice over 70 a new justice should be appointed. Ironically, in 1936 McReynolds was a 75 year old Associate Justice on the Supreme Court.

FDR’s legislation died in committee but it would likely not have survived even if it had made it out of committee as it faced a great deal of bipartisan opposition. But then it didn’t really matter because Justice Owen Roberts, who had been a thorn in the side of much of the New Deal legislation joined the liberals in upholding West Coast Hotel Co. v. Parrish in 1937 and became a relatively reliable New Deal supporter going forward.  History calls that vote the “Switch in time that saved Nine” but the timing doesn’t quite line up.  Although the decision was handed down in March of 1937, it was argued in December of 1936 and Roberts had made his decision before FDR’s plan became public.  That doesn’t mean however that the supposition that Roberts changed his voting pattern due to external events was wrong.  It just means that the timing doesn’t allow for a quid pro quo. 

Crisis might not be the right word in either of those situations because, despite their long term implications for the government, neither imminently threatened the functionality of the government. It most certainly is the right word for what America and the Trump administration is facing right now, and indeed it imminently threatens the functionality of the government. 

The Trump administration has faced an unprecedented number of nationwide injunctions from federal courts on a wide range of issues from deportations to firings of federal employees to paying for sex change surgeries for military members and more.

It seems as if across the country and in virtually every area of government federal judges have suddenly decided that their role is to micromanage every element of the Executive branch. The first Trump administration faced an unprecedented number of injunctions and the first five months the second has faced even more. 

It appears as the federal judiciary has declared war on the Executive Branch, and that is literally a constitutional crisis.

By continuing to face this crisis with appeals to higher courts, the president is bringing a knife to a gun fight. He should instead bring a howitzer. He should make it clear that his administration does not recognize these courts’ power to issue nationwide injunctions and they will no longer be recognizing them as legal.

Tucked away in the bowels of the travesty that is the Big Beautiful Bill is one golden nugget that attempts to obviate the problem.  It states that courts cannot use appropriated funds to enforce contempt citations for failure to comply with injunctions or temporary restraining orders.  That’s an interesting strategy, but it’s a band-aid approach to an artery that’s been cut.  It still leaves the option for courts to continue to micromanage policy from the bench and simply include the funding caveat in the orders themselves or otherwise find funding sources for enforcement.

No, the president needs to face this crisis head on and make it perfectly clear that the courts are acting unconstitutionally and he will no longer be bound by them.   

The obvious consequence of this policy will be the gnashing of the teeth of the left and much of the swamp infested GOP.  “Tyrant” they’ll call him.  “Dictator” they’ll brand him.  “He thinks he’s a king” they’ll claim.  But, frankly, there’s nothing new in any of that. 

But beyond the shrieking however, something more substantial will result of the administration’s new clarity.  It will force Congress and or the Supreme Court to act. 

The reality is, there is no basis in the Constitution for these nationwide injunctions and courts playing the role of executive. These rouge courts have undermined the legitimacy of the judicial system and with it the larger government as a whole.  Once the administration makes it crystal clear that they do not recognize the legitimacy of these rouge courts Congress or SCOTUS will have to step up and provide clarity.  Whether legislative action by Congress or direction from SCOTUS, something will have to be done to begin to repair American’s confidence in the judiciary. 

And that’s actually quite important in a nation of laws like the United States where citizens are largely free and most obey laws because they respect the legitimacy of the government. If that legitimacy is undermined then social order follows suit.  Look no further than cities across the country where the police have been demonized and local governments operate like banana republic grift machines. Crime and corruption are rampant as law abiding citizens and for profit businesses abandon them for safer, more functional environs.

The ideal solution is Congress passing legislation that makes explicit that lower courts have no jurisdiction beyond the immediate cases before them and cannot impose injunctions beyond those specific cases.  This clarity would at a minimum put an immediate end to the tyranny of unelected judges seeking to elevate themselves above the Executive. More broadly it would return to the political realm the work of legislation and policy implementation.  No more would plaintiffs who represent a sliver of the population or hold views far outside the Overton Window be able to venue shop for extremist judges and use the court to impose their ideas on the entire nation.  There’s nothing wrong with being a sliver of the population or having ideas outside that window, but the place to debate ideas is in the public square, not the dark corners of judicial chambers.

This crisis exists today because the left has moved so far to the fringe of society that they can no longer convince Americans to vote for their positions at the ballot box.  But that’s where the Constitution says they should be debated.  If President Trump wants to have any chance of a successful second term he will force Congress’s hand and explain to the American people why he’s doing it. 

 

Follow me on X at @ImperfectUSA

First published on June 10, 2025

https://thefederalist.com/2025/06/10/trump-should-force-congress-and-scotus-to-stop-rogue-judges-by-ignoring-unconstitutional-injunctions/

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